The economic and political ties between Iran and China are often brought up in the context of geopolitical negotiations, with China’s oil purchases leading the headlines. That’s understandable, given Iran’s importance in the Middle East. Overlooked, however, is another country that is even more important to China’s oil supplies – Angola.

Angola sent 235 million barrels of oil to China last year, or about 640,000 barrels per day. That’s 66 million barrels more than Iran, and only a bit less than the largest supplier, Saudi Arabia. In fact, Angola eclipsed Saudi Arabia as China’s top supplier last month, although that may change as the year goes on. According to Royal Dutch Shell, Angola will produce double the amount that Nigeria does within 10 years – though that prediction hinges as much on Nigerian instability as it does on Angolan development.

Angola emerged from a bloody war of liberation against Portugal and a prolonged struggle between Marxist and anti-Communist factions. Its diamond mines and oil reserves promised both future prosperity and foreign interest or even meddling in its affairs. Though it’s been the fastest-growing economy in Africa with double digit growth from 2006-2008, it’s also plagued by rampant corruption, separatist guerrillas, and millions of landmines. Formerly an agrarian economy and exporter of agricultural products, the countryside was so thoroughly devastated by war that it now imports 90% of its food.

As it exports more oil and discovers more fields, Angola will grow in importance on the global stage. It’s also an important front in the Chinese effort to secure African assets and allies, as China’s largest trade partner on the continent. Estimates of Chinese loans to Angola vary wildly, from $2 billion (the official figure) to as much as $9 billion with confidential, behind-the-scenes loans.

Angola illustrates the complex interplay of sovereign debt, resource extraction, and competing national and extra-national interests in the new global marketplace. Angola has about $19bn in public debt, and recently made amends with the IMF after walking away from the fund in 2007. Its rising oil revenues and strong Chinese financing gave it flexibility in negotiating the terms of its obligations that other African nations do not have.

However, Angola isn’t placing all its chips on China. It is seeking to raise as much as $4bn by issuing debt, its first international debt sale. In order to do so, it must get a credit rating from the big agencies like Moody’s, Standard & Poor’s and Fitch. Obviously, either Chinese lending is insufficient to cover Angola’s needs, or it wants to keep its options and obligations diversified throughout the globe.

Investor sentiment is ambiguous, with analysts predicting that nervousness over sovereign debt will mean that Angola only gets about a quarter of the funding it’s looking for. Nevertheless, there does appear to be demand for sovereign bonds from Africa, according to PIMCO, the world’s largest bond fund.

This might make Angola’s auction an opportunity for emerging market debt investors, though – Angola may be forced to offer more attractive yields to buyers made shy by default scares in Dubai and Greece.  Yields will certainly have to be high given Angola’s history of default, as well as the intractable issue of corruption.

In Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index for 2009, Angola ranked 162 out of 180, tied with Venezuela and the Congo, among others. In this climate, Chinese firms – which aren’t saddled with inconvenient Western laws about bribery and graft in foreign nations – have a distinct advantage.

On the political front, President Jose Eduardo dos Santos has ruled the country since 1979, and appears to basically be President-for-life. Presidency-for-life hasn’t worked particularly well in oil-rich Venezuela. Furthermore, separatists continue to struggle for the independence of the exclave of Cabinda, a small region separated by a sliver of Congolese territory which produces more than half of Angola’s oil. The rebels hit headlines this January in a recent attack that left several members of the visiting Togolese soccer team dead. A violent flare-up in the region could cripple Angolan exports, with most of the offshore reserves located in this volatile region.

The violence in Cabinda is eclipsed by the chaos in Nigeria’s Delta State, where government troops, oil companies, and their workers are in a state of constant tension and sometimes all-out warfare with rebel groups and separatists. Compared to this conflict, Angola’s is relatively subdued.

Many questions still remain regarding Angola’s ability to service its debt, given its past and corruption. It was in default for years, a fact that bond buyers with short memories are likely to ignore. Having invested in Angolan debt before, I know how important willingness to pay is; different countries have different national characters, and they do not just change overnight.

Some of  the incentives to invest in Angola are there,– a reasonable debt-to-GDP ratio of 16.8%, large oil fields with a high rate of new discoveries, and economic ties to the world’s two biggest economies. The question is whether these facts will be enough to sway investors nervous about the future of sovereign bonds in general and Angolan creditworthiness in particular. In the end, the appeal of an Angolan bond offering will depend on a number of key factors – the credit rating they receive from the major agencies, the state of the global sovereign bond market when the government goes to auction, and the geopolitical stability of the nation and its neighbors.

Robert P. Smith, is the founder of the Boston-based Turan Corp., an investment firm specializing in emerging-market debt, and the author of “Riches Among the Ruins: Adventures in the Dark Corners of the Global Economy.”

Farah Stockman wrote a terrific article about Turan, Iraqi bonds, and the way bond prices track political and social stability in conflicted nations like Iraq:

WASHINGTON — Some count the kidnappings. Others count the suicide bombs. Still others count the deaths of US soldiers. But, in the saga of Iraq’s slow struggle toward normalcy, Robert Smith keeps track of something far more obscure: the price of Iraqi governmentissued bonds.

Smith, one of Boston’s most intrepid investors, has made his fortune betting on the world’s most dangerous places. Dubbed the “Indiana Jones of International Finance,’’ Smith buys IOUs from governments so unstable that few others will touch them.

From an office that overlooks Boston Harbor, Smith can recall when Iraq looked like a terrible gamble, as sectarian violence raged and the country slid toward a civil war. But now, a week after Iraq’s historic election, his bets are paying off: The price of Iraqi bonds has doubled in the last year, recently hitting their highest value ever.

“Iraq has the potential to vault past other countries’’ to become a top oil producer, said Smith, a 70-year-old debt merchant whose recent book, “Riches Among the Ruins,’’ details his investment adventures.

Check it out online or in the Sunday Boston Globe.

My latest op-ed for the Providence Journal is now available online. I discuss the crisis in Greece and the lessons it holds for the United States.

Read it online at Projo.com, and join the discussion there!

International headlines have recently focused on Greece, one of the 16 countries in the European Union whose currency is the euro.

Greece is in danger of defaulting on its national debt. The reasons are obvious: too much spending and not enough tax collection. The Greek budget deficit reaches 12.7 percent of its gross domestic product and its national debt represents 113 percent of GDP. These numbers are worryingly similar to our own balance sheet, with debt equal to 73 percent of our GDP (but growing fast) and budget deficits at 10.6 percent.

Greece’s potential default has sent shockwaves through global bond and stock markets, which could end up equaling or even dwarfing our subprime housing and banking crisis. As a result, the U.S. dollar has strengthened against the euro and the interest buyers demand on Greek bonds has gone up. A few other E.U. countries, perhaps most notably Spain and Portugal, are also in trouble because of their uncontrolled borrowing and spending.

Read more…

Forbes.com ran an article written by me today, discussing the potential for a bubble in sovereign debt, particularly that of emerging market countries.

When I started trading emerging market sovereign debt in the early 1980s, the big risk was non-payment. The danger of default always loomed over a deal. It was like buying a Japanese car or a transistor radio made in Taiwan in the early 1970s: cheap, substandard goods that would likely fail early and often. However, some countries we still label “emerging markets” have become economic powerhouses: China, India, Brazil and Russia for example, holding foreign exchange reserves respectively of $2,300 billion, $284 billion, $235 billion and $433 billion.

Today, more than $5 billion of emerging market debt (EMD) is traded daily and prices are sky high in both debt and equities. Since Jan. 1, 2009 the MSCI Total Return Emerging Markets Index is up 65.1%, outperforming the S&P 500 Total Return Index, which is up 17%.

Read on…

MarketFolly.com also featured my overview of the EMD market.

Over the past decade, a free-flowing ocean of capital brought unprecedented prosperity – and unfathomable risks – to everyone from Bangladeshi rice farmers to Bear Sterns brokers. The Gulf city-state of Dubai became one of the iconic symbols of globalization’s latest era, with ambitious, even hubristic development projects that challenged gravity and common sense in equal measure.

Now, however, the home of the Burj al-Arab and the Atlantis-like Hydropolis undersea resort may find that the receding tide of global finance has left it high and dry. The emirate owes nearly $80 billion, $50 billion of which will come due over the next 3 years, most of it in 2011 and 2012.  In the positive column is the rising price of petroleum, the original engine of the city’s growth. Investors tend to assume that the oil-rich federal government in Abu Dhabi will back Dubai’s obligations. On the other hand, Dubai’s finances are murky and secretive – local officials rarely speak about them, and foreigners who mention any negative facts to the press have been silenced, deported, or even prosecuted. In fact, Dubai still has no credit rating for its sovereign debt.

More than perhaps any other place in the world, Dubai relies on heavy inflows of foreign direct investment to fuel its enormous boom in property development.  The late Sheikh Rashid bin Saeed al-Maktoum helped funnel the profits from Dubai’s limited oil resources into long-term development in making the city a hub of trade, tourism and finance. This freed Dubai, to some degree, from the fluctuations of energy prices, but exposed the emirate to potentially devastating bubbles and crashes in trade and finance.

In order to cover its looming obligations, Dubai has moved to issue $6.5 billion in dollar- and dirham-denominated bonds, its first such sale since 2007. There are indications that investors may demand as much as 7 times the previous premium for these mid-term bonds, up to 400 basis points over the benchmark. Dubai’s raised $10 billion earlier in the year by selling bonds to the Abu Dhabi central bank.

Dubai still holds value, to be sure. But with the state’s propensity for obscuring what’s on the books, it’s hard to be sure what is safe and what sits on quicksand.  The sovereign wealth fund Istithmar World is freezing new investments as it struggles to deal with its current holdingsof over $25 billion, which is rumored to be leveraged as heavily as 90%. Property values have fallen 40% and could sink by up to 70%, a shattering blow to the foundations of a city built on the dream of eternally appreciating real estate.

Dubai’s prosperity hinges on a sturdy global recovery; even then, it requires sustained confidence that the high-leverage, high-flying model which built the city can continue. With Dubai World laying off almost 12,000 employees this year, it’s clear that the those days may have passed. The city must refocus on the core of its business in trade and finance, and step back from the publicity-grabbing but unsustainable architecture and acquisitions.